Resultados para "Gilead" en Ciencias políticas

Conquistar el mundo quizá sea más fácil que conquistar la posteridad. Napoleón, que acarició lo primero, ha conseguido sobradamente lo segundo. Seductor como un encantador de serpientes, cruel tirano y, a la vez, heraldo del mensaje liberador de la Revolución Francesa, genio militar y visionario, su figura ha fascinado a partidarios y detractores por igual.

Miembro de la Academia francesa y profesor del Collège de France, Marc Fumaroli se reveló en 1991 como un polemista brillante y provocador al publicar El Estado cultural, una indagación histórica de las raíces de la moderna política cultural francesa. La obra, que suscitó encendidos debates, narra el extraño destino de un ámbito, el de la cultura, que sirvió al gaullismo para compensar la agraviada grandeza de Francia y al socialismo para gratificar una ideología derrotada.

Russia and the West are like neighbors who never seem able to understand each other. A major reason, this book argues, is that Western leaders tend to think that Russia should act as a "rational" Western nation—even though Russian leaders for centuries have thought and acted based on their country's different history and traditions. Russia, through Western eyes, is unpredictable and irrational, when in fact its leaders almost always act in their own predictable and rational ways.

The Reagan Revolution: A Very Short Introduction identifies and tackles some of the controversies and historical mysteries that continue to swirl around Reagan and his legacy, while providing an illuminating look at some of the era's defining personalities, ideas, and accomplishments.

Although the framers gave the president little authority, Washington knew whatever he did would set precedents for generations of his successors. To ensure their ability to defend the nation, he simply ignored the Constitution when he thought it necessary and reshaped the presidency into what James Madison called a "monarchical presidency." Modern scholars call it the "imperial presidency."

Uma filosofia politicamente incorreta é o novo título de Luiz Felipe Pondé para o Guia politicamente incorreto da filosofia, lançado em 2012. Com texto revisitado pelo autor e uma nova introdução, a obra questiona se o pensamento politicamente correto pode fazer mal. De acordo com Pondé, sim. “Antes de tudo, ele nos faz covardes. À medida que ele se torna uma ferramenta jurídica e de linchamento público nas redes sociais, ele começa a devastar a virtude da coragem, sem a qual ninguém diz, pensa ou faz nada que tenha valor a não ser aquilo que for ‘correto’.”

"Give me liberty, or give me death!" is a quotation attributed to Patrick Henry from his speech to the Second Virginia Convention on March 23, 1775, at St. John's Church in Richmond, Virginia. Henry spoke without notes, and no transcript of his exact words have survived. The only known version of his speech was reconstructed in the early 1800s by William Wirt, a biographer who corresponded with various attendees of the convention.

Common Sense, a pamphlet by Thomas Paine, was published anonymously in 1776, six months before the Declaration of Independence. It is an impassioned call for America to free itself from British rule and set up an independent republican government. Paine criticized hereditary kingship and urged his adopted country to embrace personal freedom and social equality.

Many people talk about Donald Trump. Some people love him, and some people hate him. Some people try to explain why people love or hate Trump. Despite the copious conversation and plenteous explanations, there’s a lack of clarity about why people support Trump. Neither academia nor the political pundits can adequately explain the phenomenon that is Trump.

On November 10, 1975, the General Assembly of United Nations passed Resolution 3379, which declared Zionism a form of racism. Afterward, a tall man with long, graying hair, horned-rim glasses, and a bowtie stood to speak. He pronounced his words with the rounded tones of a Harvard academic, but his voice shook with outrage: "The United States rises to declare, before the General Assembly of the United Nations, and before the world, that it does not acknowledge, it will not abide by, it will never acquiesce in this infamous act."

Al verlo en el centro del Salón de Tesorería, un magno espacio construido para la realeza española del siglo XVI, me di cuenta de que no hablaba como presidente, político o siquiera líder social, sino como un pastor espiritual que se dirige a su grey. La primera vez que fui a la mañanera, vi a Andrés Manuel López Obrador de una manera distinta. No era aquel que conocí en 1995, en Villahermosa,platicando sobre el futuro del movimiento social que ya encabezaba. Tampoco era el hombre que tomaba pozos petroleros ni el candidato en permanente campaña.